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蔡英文與美國三智庫視訊演講:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈塔的基礎

發言人:., on Apr/10/2019    07:31:27 (IP code: X.X.144.159)
 2019-04-09 蔡英文與美國三智庫視訊演講:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈塔的基礎 [華府智庫演講全文]
http://www.ntdtv.com.tw/b5/20190409/video/243386.html

《臺灣關係法》40周年前一天(9日)晚間,中華民國總統蔡英文,與美國華府三智庫視訊會議,發表演說。蔡英文強調,《臺灣關係法》協助建立良善力量,奠定臺灣成為世界民主燈塔的基礎。並且回答智庫學者的問題。演講前,美國前副國務卿阿米塔吉,以「中華民國總統」稱謂介紹蔡英文開場。

三個智庫是,「戰略暨國際研究中心」(CSIS)與「布魯金斯研究院」(The Brookings Institution)及「威爾遜國際學人中心」(The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars)。蔡英文在中華民國總統府,連線CSIS,與美國重要政、學界人士進行視訊會議。

會議由美國前副國務卿阿米塔吉(Richard Armitage)擔任引言人、CSIS亞洲事務資深副會長暨日本講座主任葛林(Michael Green)擔任主持人。總統在發表專題演講後,依序回應阿米塔吉、布魯金斯研究院「臺灣講座」卜睿哲(Richard Bush)、「威爾遜學人中心」亞洲計畫主任鄧志強(Abraham Denmark)、CSIS「中國權力計畫」主任葛來儀(Bonnie Glaser)及葛林等人的提問,會議結束前並發表結語。

Youtube直播影片,包括致詞內容、也包括蔡英文回答提問,全長約50分鐘。

中文同步口譯版本



謝謝大家。在華府的各位,早安,這是來自臺北的問候!

阿米塔吉大使,謝謝您的介紹。視訊會議由「戰略暨國際研究中心」會長何慕理開場,我非常榮幸能在此致詞,也要感謝「戰略暨國際研究中心」、「布魯金斯研究院」、「威爾遜國際學人中心」、以及「戰略暨國際研究中心」中國權力計畫主任葛來儀(Bonnie Glaser)、「布魯金斯研究院」臺灣講座卜睿哲(Richard Bush)與「威爾遜國際學人中心」亞洲計畫主任鄧志強(Abe Denmark)籌辦本次會議。

很高興看到許多臺灣的朋友,CSIS亞洲事務資深副會長暨日本講座主任葛林(Michael Green)、以及美國在台協會(AIT)主席莫健(James Moriarty)也在現場,你們好。

臺灣這邊,再過幾小時就是四月十日了,四十年前的這一天,《臺灣關係法》通過了,為臺美關係開啟新頁。

四十年前,臺灣史上的艱難時刻,一些重大事件的推衍促成《臺灣關係法》迅速通過。當時在美國和臺灣的許多人士,對於臺灣的未來不表樂觀,也不知道臺灣未來能否與臺海對岸不同。

很少人預料到,《臺灣關係法》起草人的先見之明及情誼,使得雙方最終在共享的價值基礎上,再次深化臺美關係。

也很少人預料到,臺美夥伴關係體現前所未有的穩固,並成為世界上一股良善的力量。

永續的夥伴關係

在美國國會的堅定支持下,《臺灣關係法》成為美國與臺灣互動的指導原則,並且信守雙邊過去的協議。美國透過《臺灣關係法》設立的美國在台協會,也即將搬入內湖新址,無庸置疑已經歷過時間的考驗。

美國國會堅持立法保障臺灣安全,確保臺灣安然度過最黑暗的時期,並成為今日自由強健的民主社會。

《臺灣關係法》不但體現美國與我們共同維護太平洋地區和平、安全與穩定的承諾,同時也支持臺灣發展自主防禦能力,以對抗任何形式的脅迫。

美國歷任政府及國會皆信守此一承諾與支持。

1996年三月,柯林頓政府決定派遣兩艘航空母艦巡弋臺灣附近海域,遏阻中國企圖干擾臺灣第一次總統民選時,更加彰顯此一承諾。在那個歷史性的時刻,美國和臺灣站在一起,向世界展現對共享民主價值的承諾。

臺灣人民也予以回應,向世界展現我們決心行使民主基本進程的選舉權,證明我們有能力加入全球自由民主國家之列。

1996年,我們的民主邁進一大步,二十年後,臺灣成為全球最自由的國家之一,臺灣人民選出第一位女性總統。

回顧過去四十年的歷史,我相信在座各位都同意《臺灣關係法》已協助建立了一股良善的力量,奠定臺灣成為世界民主燈塔的基礎。

臺灣挺過了歷史的挑戰,不但沒有被打倒,反而成為堅韌之島。我們努力不懈為這個區域和全球打造一個更美好的未來。

今天藉由這個會議,我們慶祝《臺灣關係法》的成果,也重申對共享價值與共同目標的承諾。

其中最重要的是,確保我們的全球夥伴關係持續茁壯,尤其是臺美的特別關係。

世界上一股良善的力量

過去三年來,臺美關係有顯著的進展。

在安全層面上,《臺灣關係法》制定的架構不只「提供防禦性武器給臺灣人民」,同時也提到「任何企圖以非和平方式來決定臺灣的前途之舉—包括使用經濟抵制及禁運手段在內,將被視為對西太平洋地區和平及安定的威脅,而為美國所嚴重關切。」

我們兩國的合作也持續落實《臺灣關係法》的精神。美國現任政府已宣布要穩步對臺軍售,同時還有其他方案在籌劃中。

美國也持續支持臺灣發展國造能力,目前,臺美兩國間的訓練以及合作計畫已更加緊密堅實。

但是,這一切只有在臺灣有能力並決心自主防衛時才能奏效。我們不能期待別人做我們不願做的事。所以,我從2016年以來,強化國軍戰力就成為我的施政重點之一。

我們已經連續兩年增加國防預算。這些預算將用在加強國防策略、技術與軍力,確保我們的國軍更加敏捷靈活並與時俱進,這些都揭櫫在我全力支持的「整體防衛構想」中。

前開作為,並不是要引發衝突,而是要恪遵《臺灣關係法》的精神,確保臺海永久和平。如果我們沒有能力遏止脅迫和侵略,就無法獲致和平。

這個區域的外交官也正一起攜手合作,推動我們共享的價值及利益,並對抗威權主義在全球逐漸興起的浪潮。我們太了解威權主義的危險,其基本思想是反對自由以及人民的選擇權。

《臺灣關係法》明載:「西太平洋地區的和平及安定符合美國的政治、安全及經濟利益,而且是國際關切的事務。」

上個月,臺灣和美國宣布成立「印太民主治理諮商」平臺,幫助我們和理念相近的國家合作推動良善治理與人權。

我們也合作推動區域宗教自由。上個月,臺灣和美國共同舉辦了「印太區域保衛宗教自由公民社會對話」,在全球宗教自由遭受威脅之際,我們一起發聲,我們要保護所有民族的宗教自由,因為沒有人該為自己的信仰被處罰甚至「再教育」。

臺美「全球合作暨訓練架構」,是我們針對全球急迫性議題合作的一個好例子,我們不只為這項計畫增加了三倍預算,也一起參與因應女性賦權、媒體識讀等更多議題。最近,我們也歡迎日本的加入,讓區域夥伴藉由這個架構一起促進共享的價值與利益。

我們也要破除外界認為我們的價值觀可以或應該受到威權政府威逼利誘所操縱的想法。

因此,我們正加強與美國「海外私人投資公司」合作,尋找在這個區域及友邦的投資機會。我們早在1952年就開始合作,而《臺灣關係法》也有條文規範這樣的合作關係。今天,我們已從受援國轉變為高科技強國,有能力也有專業可以跟美國一起支援友人與夥伴的經濟發展。

這一切都發生在我們的國際空間遭受前所未有挑戰的時刻。

中國正在大肆否決臺灣人民國際參與的機會,他們這麼做,不是因為今天是民進黨執政,也不是因為我們不承認九二共識。他們這麼做,是因為他們真心認為臺灣人民沒有獨立參與全球事務的權利。

中國的所作所為干擾兩岸關係的良性發展,造成兩岸的不安。

所以我們非常感謝美國和其他理念相近的國家持續支持我們在國際社會的努力。我們看到美國致力維護我邦交,並遏止中國在那些國家的影響力。另外每半年一次的國際組織諮詢會議中,我們也看到越來越多理念相近的國家支持臺灣參與聯合國專門機構,以確保臺灣在國際社會的貢獻獲得肯定。

《臺灣關係法》通過後,我們也看到了臺美經濟關係的長足進展。今天,擁有兩千三百萬人的臺灣是美國第11大貿易夥伴。我們的經貿關係是互補的,而不是相競的,兩國的貿易持續顯著升溫。

《臺灣關係法》通過時,很少人預見臺灣的國際企業現今在美國投資及採購的速度。相對地,美國科技巨擎包括Google、Microsoft、Amazon和IBM過去一年也擴大在臺布局。

除了這些正面的發展外,我們還看到許多發展潛力。這也是為什麼我們亟盼與美國洽簽雙邊貿易協定,我們可以共同打造一個以價值及理念為基礎的協定,成為印太地區其他國家的典範。

《臺灣關係法》希望建立一個能夠保障我們共同利益的關係,並提供一個捍衛共享價值的架構。在世界局勢日益複雜、充滿挑戰的時刻,這比以往更加重要。

我們從上個世紀學到一件事,那就是民主的進展不會是從天而降。

此時此刻,世界各地的反自由民主勢力越來越激進。我們以自由與個人自由作為進步的指標,而他們卻在海內外散布恐懼和施加控制。

事實上,不到兩個禮拜前,中國人民解放軍的兩架戰機跨越了臺海中線,破壞了二十多年來維繫和平與穩定的默契。

美國國家安全顧問波頓(John Bolton)大使在推特發文表示:「中國的軍事挑釁無法贏得臺灣人民的心,只會加強世界各地人民珍視民主的決心。《臺灣關係法》跟我們的承諾非常明確。」

我們完全同意。

面對今日這些傳統以及非傳統的挑戰,更有必要共同回應。臺灣已準備好、很樂意、也有能力盡一己之力,達成我們共享的願景。

我的承諾:一個可信賴的夥伴

在《臺灣關係法》四十週年之際,我們矢志要確保臺灣人民能夠堅持民主信念,繼續享有免於恐懼與脅迫的生活。

《臺灣關係法》的起草人早在四十年前就啟動了這項工作,惟至今尚未完成,當我們落實區域的自由、開放、民主時,即大功告成。

臺灣不只是接受者,而是參與其中的夥伴。

在這個關鍵的時刻,最重要的是確保《臺灣關係法》的條文和精神歷久彌堅,讓我們共享的價值繼續形塑這個區域的未來。

雖然我今天人不在華府,但我們共同的願景,讓我們兩國較以往更密切合作。

在各位的支持下,我們大家一起努力,繼續提醒全世界,臺灣是世界上一股不可或缺的良善力量。謝謝大家。

----------------

英文全文





20190409 CSIS Video Teleconferencing speech


Thank you, and hello Washington, DC. Good morning from Taipei!

Rich, thank you for your kind introduction just now. It is such a privilege to address this conference, opened by Dr. Hamre. I want to thank CSIS, the Brookings Institution, and the Wilson Center, as well as Bonnie, Richard, and Abe, for organising this event.

It is a pleasure to see many friends of Taiwan, including Michael Green, and Chairman Jim Moriarty, in the audience.

Here in Taipei, the clock will soon turn to April 10th. On this day 40 years ago, the Taiwan Relations Act was enacted, opening a new chapter in Taiwan-US relations.

The momentous events that led to the swift passage of the TRA forty years ago marked a difficult time in Taiwan’s history. Many, both in the United States and here in Taiwan, were not optimistic about Taiwan’s future – or not clear as to whether that future could remain distinct from that of across the Strait.

Few could have imagined that the foresight and friendship shown by the drafters of the TRA would eventually allow this relationship to blossom again, this time based on our shared values.

And few could have imagined that the Taiwan-US partnership would become stronger than ever, and a force for good across the world.

With the US Congress’s steadfast support, the enactment of the TRA set out the guiding principles defining how the US engages with Taiwan, and honours our past agreements. The TRA also established the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT). Today, there is no question that AIT, which is about to move into its new home in Neihu, has withstood the test of time.

By insisting on language that assures Taiwan’s security, Congress made sure that Taiwan would survive its darkest hour, and have the opportunity to transform itself into the free society and robust democracy we are today.

What the TRA also reflects, is the United States’ commitment to our shared interests of peace, security, and stability in the Pacific. It has supported Taiwan’s development of the defence capabilities that we need, in order to resist any form of coercion.

And this commitment and support has been honoured by successive administrations and the US Congress.

It featured prominently in March 1996, when the Clinton administration sent two aircraft carriers to sail through the waters near Taiwan to stop China’s attempts to disrupt Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. At that historic moment, the US stood with Taiwan, showing the world its commitment to our shared democratic values.

And the people of Taiwan responded in kind, showing the world our resolve to exercise our right to vote, a fundamental democratic process, proving that we were capable of joining a global community of free and democratic nations.

So in 1996, our democracy took a big step forward. And twenty years later, Taiwan is one of the freest countries in the world, and the people of Taiwan elected their first female president.

With the benefit of hindsight from forty years of experience, I trust that everyone here today agrees that the TRA has helped create a force for good, and laid the foundations for Taiwan to become a beacon of democracy in the world.

Taiwan survived the challenges posed to us by history. We were not defeated. We are an island of resilience. And we have been working tirelessly to contribute to a brighter tomorrow for our region, and the world as well.

Today, at this conference, we commemorate the achievements of the TRA, but we should also recommit ourselves to our shared values, and common sense of purpose.

Foremost among them is ensuring that our global partnerships remain strong, particularly the special bond between Taiwan and the United States.

Over the past three years, we have made significant progress in advancing this relationship.

In terms of security, the TRA laid out a framework to not only “provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character,” but also “to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.”

Cooperation between our two countries has continued to fulfil the spirit of these articles. Already, a steady drumbeat of arms sales have been announced by the current US administration, and we have more in the pipeline.

The US has also continued to support the development of indigenous capabilities that we are capable of building here in Taiwan. And right now, the training and cooperation between our two countries could not be closer or more robust.

But all of this only works when Taiwan is capable and determined to defend ourselves. We can’t expect others to do what we are not willing to do by ourselves. So since 2016, part of my primary goals is to strengthen our defence capabilities.

Already, we have increased our defence budget over the past two years in a row. These funds will go into strategies, techniques, and capabilities that make our fighting force more nimble, agile, and survivable. These ideas are encompassed by the Overall Defence Concept, which has my support, one hundred percent.

We are making these investments not because we pursue confrontation. Quite the opposite. Our intention is to uphold the spirit of the Taiwan Relations Act, and provide for lasting peace across the Taiwan Strait. But we can’t do this when we don’t have the ability to deter coercion and aggression.

Our diplomats across the region are also working hand in hand to promote our shared values and interests, and push back against the growing tide of authoritarianism around the world. We know the dangers of authoritarianism too well. It is an ideology that is fundamentally at odds with freedom, and the people’s right to choose.

As the TRA states: “peace and stability in the area are in the political, security, and economic interests of the United States, and are matters of international concern.”

Last month, Taiwan and the United States announced the launch of the Indo-Pacific Democratic Governance Dialogue, which will be a platform for us to pursue joint projects advancing good governance and human rights among like-minded countries.

We are also cooperating to advance religious freedom in the region. Last month, Taiwan and the US co-hosted a Dialogue on Securing Religious Freedom in the Indo-Pacific Region, to make a stand, as religious freedom is being threatened around the world. We want to safeguard the religious freedom of all peoples, because no one deserves to be punished or “re-educated” for his or her own faith.

The Global Cooperation Training Framework (GCTF) is another shining example of our joint work on pressing global issues. We have not only tripled the budget for this program, but we are engaging on more issues than ever before, ranging from women’s empowerment to media literacy. And recently, we have welcomed the inclusion of Japan, making this truly a framework for regional partners to promote our shared values and interests.

We also want to push back against the notion that our values can – or should – be dictated by economic carrots and sticks, particularly by authoritarian governments.

So we are stepping up our work with the United States Overseas Private Investment Corporation to find opportunities to jointly invest here in the region, and across our diplomatic allies. Our engagement dates back to 1952, and an entire article in the TRA is dedicated to this relationship.
But today, we have gone from a net recipient of aid to a high-tech powerhouse. And we have the capability and expertise to work with the United States to support the economic development of our friends and partners.

All of this is taking place at a time our international space is under unprecedented challenge.

China has engaged in a relentless campaign to deny our right to participate in international affairs. They don’t do this because it is a DPP administration, or because we don’t recognize the 1992 consensus. They do it, because they genuinely believe that the people of Taiwan don’t have an independent right to participate in global affairs.

That is troubling and destabilizing for the healthy development of cross-strait relations.

So we are grateful that the United States and other like-minded countries have continued to support us in our international endeavors.

We have seen all that the United States has done to help maintain our diplomatic alliances and counter China’s influence there. And following our biannual international organization consultations, we have seen a coalition of like-minded countries gradually emerge to continuously support Taiwan’s participation in UN-specialized agencies, and make sure that Taiwan’s contributions can be appreciated by the international community.

Economic relations are another area where we have seen great progress since the passage of the TRA. Today, Taiwan, a country of 23 million people, is the United States’ 11th largest trading partner. It’s a complementary relationship, not a competitive one.

And trade has continued to increase significantly.

Our global enterprises are investing in and procuring from the United States at a rate that few people in the time of the passage of the TRA could have imagined. And vice versa, as major US technology giants, including Google, Microsoft, Amazon, and IBM expand their presence in Taiwan over the past year.

Despite these positive developments, we see potential to do more. Which is why I have made clear our intention to engage in a bilateral trade agreement with the United States.

We have the potential to work together in crafting an agreement that is based on our values and ideals, which can be used as a model for the rest of the Indo-Pacific region.

The Taiwan Relations Act envisioned a relationship in which our shared interests could be protected. And it provided a framework where one day we could defend our shared values. In today’s world of increasing complexity and challenge, this has been more necessary than ever before.

One thing that we learned from the previous century, is that the forward march of democracy is not a given.

Even as we speak, forces working against freedom and democracy are becoming more active around the world. For while we measure progress in terms of freedom and individual liberty, the metrics they use are fear and control, both at home and abroad.

In fact, less than two weeks ago, China’s PLA sent two fighter jets across the median line of the Taiwan Strait, breaking a tacit agreement that has served the interests of peace and stability over the past two decades.

US National Security Adviser John Bolton tweeted: “Chinese military provocations won’t win any hearts or minds in Taiwan, but they will strengthen the resolve of people everywhere who value democracy. The Taiwan Relations Act and our commitment are clear.”

We could not agree more.

Given the traditional and non-traditional challenges facing us today, the need for a collective response has never been clearer. And Taiwan is ready, willing, and able to do our part to achieve our shared vision.

So on the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act, we must be willing to work harder to ensure that the people of Taiwan can continue to live free from fear, and coercion for their belief in democracy.

The TRA drafters began their work 40 years ago. But their work remains unfinished. Their vision will only be fully achieved when our region becomes free, open, and democratic.

Taiwan is not just a recipient of this. We are a partner in this.

At this critical moment, it is more important than ever to ensure that the letter and spirit of the TRA prevail, and that the values we share continue to shape the future of our region.

Even though I am not in Washington DC with you all, our shared vision has made our two countries feel closer than ever before.

And together, with your support, we will continue to remind the world that Taiwan is an irreplaceable force for good in the world.

Thank you.
 

Record ID: 1554852687   From: 台灣

回信 發言人:花影, on Apr/10/2019    07:50:43 (IP code: X.X.120.159)
 昨晚賴跟館長直播


蔡跟美國智庫視訊


那個重要是很清楚的


但新聞媒體報導那個多?


這就是台灣的問題


不要一直靠爸甚麼民主初選到底

誰勝出就支持誰有這麼難?


看看人家日本廟祭會怎樣?

台灣媽祖出巡

那一年不幹個架?而且還是警察ㄧ大堆前面公然幹架

 

Record ID: 1554852687R001   From: 台灣

回信 發言人:花影, on Apr/10/2019    07:52:25 (IP code: X.X.120.159)
 也許啦

館長幹醮聽的懂


蔡英文跟老美視訊

記者有聽沒有懂?新聞要怎麼寫?
 

Record ID: 1554852687R002   From: 台灣

回信 發言人:., on Apr/10/2019    08:18:23 (IP code: X.X.144.159)
 2019/04/09 22: 蔡英文與美連線談《台灣關係法》 「辣台妹」護台全文曝光
https://www.setn.com/News.aspx?NewsID=524541

2019-04-09 22:59:48 蔡總統:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈塔的基礎[華府智庫演講全文] - 新唐人亞太電視台
http://www.ntdtv.com.tw/b5/20190409/video/243386.html
https://disp.cc/b/163-bicH
 

Record ID: 1554852687R003   From: 台灣

回信 發言人:重貼, on Apr/10/2019    08:19:14 (IP code: X.X.144.159)
 2019/04/09 22:41:00 蔡英文與美連線談《台灣關係法》 「辣台妹」護台全文曝光
https://www.setn.com/News.aspx?NewsID=524541

2019-04-09 22:59:48 蔡總統:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈塔的基礎[華府智庫演講全文] - 新唐人亞太電視台
http://www.ntdtv.com.tw/b5/20190409/video/243386.html
https://disp.cc/b/163-bicH
 

Record ID: 1554852687R004   From: 台灣

本篇到此告一段落———版主

WE ARE 49ER TAIWANESE